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Contextualizing Playfair and Colebrooke on proof and demonstration in the Indian mathematical tradition 17801820

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Contextualizing Playfair and Colebrooke on proof and demonstration in the Indian mathematical tradition 17801820
5
Contextualizing Playfair and Colebrooke
on proof and demonstration in the Indian
mathematical tradition (1780–1820)
Dhruv Raina
The social shaping of representations of so called non-Western astronomy
and mathematics in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European scholarship has been of recent scholarly interest from the perspective of the politics
of knowledge.1 A principal concern has been the changing estimation of
non-Western mathematical traditions by European mathematicians and
historians of mathematics between the end of the last decades of the eighteenth century and the early decades of the nineteenth century; that is from
the heyday of the Enlightenment to the post-Enlightenment period. While
these studies have been informed by Said’s Orientalism,2 they have sought
to examine the question whether the history of mathematics (the least likely
case) is also inscribed within the frame of European colonial adventure and
enterprise, as happened in the arts, literature and social sciences.3
It has been suggested that the European scholarship on the sciences of
India reveals fractures along national lines, which in turn reflected the
diversity of educational and institutional contexts of the world of learning.4 This chapter examines the relationship between the histories of Indian
astronomy and mathematics produced by French astronomers and the
translation from the Sanskrit of works on Indian algebra undertaken by a
colonial administrator and British Indologist, Henry Thomas Colebrooke.
The contrast revealed the divergent disciplinary orientations of the interpreters themselves. Second, in elaborating upon the canonization of a very
important translation of Indian mathematical works by Colebrooke,5 I shall
argue that the standard European depiction of the Indian mathematical
1
2
3
4
5
228
Charette 1995; Raina 1999.
Said 1978.
Assayag et al. 1997.
Raina 1999.
Sir Henry Thomas Colebrooke was the son of the Chairman of the East India Company
Directors, and arrived in India as an official of the Company in 1782–3. In India he acquired
a proficiency in Sanskrit literature and commenced writing on Hindu law, the origins of
caste, etc. As a result he was appointed Professor of Hindu Law and Sanskrit at the College
of Fort William, Calcutta (Buckland 1908: 87–8). His translation of texts of Bhaskara and
Brahmagupta became classics of nineteenth-century history of Indian mathematics.
Contextualizing Playfair and Colebrooke
tradition as devoid of proof went contrary to the spirit of Colebrooke’s
translation and the large number of proofs and demonstrations therein
contained. In other words, this chapter elaborates upon how the Indian
tradition of mathematics came to be constructed as one that was devoid
of the idea of proof. While this characterization acquired stability in the
nineteenth century, the construction itself was prefigured in the eighteenth century. However, in the second half of the nineteenth century there
were historians of mathematics who held that specific kinds of proof were
encountered in Indian mathematical texts.
It could be suggested that the concerns possibly giving the several contributions in the present volume a thematic unity is the focus upon the
empirical reality of mathematical practices, which perhaps suggests that
mathematical traditions the world over, in the past as in the present, were
and are characterized by several cultures of proof. Furthermore, studies on
the culture(s) of proving among contemporary mathematicians, pure and
applied, appear to indicate that rather than there being a unique criterion of
what constitutes a proof there exist several mathematical subcultures.6 This
view pushes in the direction of a sociological view of proof, amounting to
a consensus theory of proof. Clearly this runs contrary to the formal verificationist idea that proofs are pinioned on their ‘intrinsic epistemic quality’.7
This naturally raises the question as to how and when will these issues
surface in the efforts of historians of mathematics. For if, as is suggested, it
was not until the middle of the nineteenth century that proof became the
sole criterion of validating mathematical statements,8 then its reflection is
to be found in the constructions of histories of mathematics as well.
In order to look at the more technical mathematical writing it is first
necessary to briefly describe the optic through which Europeans turned
their gaze on India during this period and the tropes that defined their literary production on India during these decades. The eighteenth century has
been considered the formative period for the emergence of the discourse
on colonialism, but this discourse was not yet ‘monolithic or univocal’.
European writing on India comprised a network of intersecting and contending representations.9 The representations of India in this writing are
naturally very ‘diverse, shifting, historically contingent, complex and competitive’. The texts themselves are shaped often by ‘national and religious
rivalries, domestic concerns’, and the cognitive or intellectual cultures of
6
7
8
9
Heinz 2000; MacKenzie 2001; Heinz 2003.
Heinz 2003: 234–5.
Heinz 2003: 938.
Teltscher 1995: 2.
229
230
dhruv raina
the respective interlocutors.10 Critical studies on oriental scholarship have
sought to situate these texts in national and religious contexts and to identify the elements they share.11 It has been argued that until the eighteenth
century it was possible to speak of a European tradition of writing about
India that differentiated into several national traditions by the middle of
the eighteenth century. The birth of a specifically British tradition is put
around 1765 when the East India Company was granted rights to collect
land revenues and administer civil justice in Bengal.12 With the founding
of the Asiatic Society, British writing on India especially from the 1780s
onwards was marked by the impulse of British writers to ‘foreground the
textual nature of their activity’, in other words to anchor their writings on
India in the specific study of classical texts produced in India.13
The French missionaries who came to India in the late seventeenth
century were the first to have spoken of India’s scientific past. French
Indology, according to Jean Filliozat, emerged in the early decades of the
eighteenth century, when the King’s librarian requested Etienne Fourmont,
of the Collège Royal, to draw up a list of works of note from India and
Indo-China, to be purchased for the King’s library. By 1739, a catalogue of
Sanskrit works had been prepared, and copies of Vedas, epics, philosophical
and linguistic texts and dictionaries had been procured.14 Curiously enough
there were very few, if any, scientific texts that were included in the cargo to
the King’s library.15 The Jesuit astronomers were the first to study the Indian
astronomical systems that Filliozat considers ‘the first scientific or even cultural achievements of India studied by Europeans’.16 Kejariwal goes so far as
to suggest that the ‘history of French Orientalism is also the history of the
rediscovery of ancient Indian astronomy in the modern period’.17
A fruitful approach into this archive of scientific texts and not just literary or religious texts is to pay attention to moments where the standard
cultural descriptions characterizing the early European writing on India are
challenged or unsettled through the textual analysis of similar and different
forms of reasoning.18 In examining these mathematical texts, it is thereby
essential for our purpose to be alert to those moments and descriptions of
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
Teltscher 1995: 2; Raina 1999; Jami 1995.
Inden 1990; Zupanov 1993.
Teltscher 1995: 3.
Teltscher 1995: 6.
Filliozat 1955: 1–3.
Raina 1999.
Filliozat 1957.
Kejariwal 1988: 17.
Teltscher 1995: 14.
Contextualizing Playfair and Colebrooke
mathematical results and procedures encountered within Sanskrit texts that
were not accompanied by demonstrations or proof or exegesis. The British
mathematician and geologist John Playfair (1748–1819) in introducing the
Indian astronomy broadly speaking to an English speaking audience was
to write:
The astronomy of India is confined to one branch of the science. It gives no theory,
nor even any description of the celestial phenomena, but satisfies itself with the
calculation of certain changes in the heavens . . . The Brahmin . . . obtains his result
with wonderful certainty and expedition; but having little knowledge of the principles on which his rules are founded, and no anxiety to be better informed, he is
perfectly satisfied, if, as it usually happens, the commencement and duration of the
eclipse answer, within a few minutes, to his prediction.19
There are four ideas that are evident in this passage, and that run constantly throughout the construction of Indian astronomy and mathematics.
Inasmuch as Indian astronomy is a science it differs from modern astronomy in that (a) it lacks a theoretical basis, (b) it does not provide a description of celestial phenomena, and (c) it is not methodologically reflective
(‘little knowledge of the principles on which his rules are founded’), which
in turn amounts to the idea that (d) the Indian astronomer computes but
does so blindly. In other words these computations were performed blindly
by the Indian astronomers. On account of the predictive accuracy of the
astronomy it merited the stature of a science, and the Indian astronomers
were concerned no more with it than in this instrumental context.
The origins of British Indology: different starting points,
different concerns
British studies on Indian astronomy and mathematics may be said to lie
at the conjuncture of two different historiographies: French and British.
One of the earliest British Indologists to speak of the distinctive tradition
of Indian algebra was Reuben Burrow (1747–92), a mathematician and
a one-time assistant to Maskelyne, the Astronomer Royal in Greenwich.
The prior French tradition of the history of science had been preoccupied
with the origins of Indian astronomy. Burrow centred the question about
the origins of Indian mathematics. This will become evident further ahead.
That Burrow had a different optic from the French is evident in his ‘Hints
concerning the Observatory at Benaras’:
19
Playfair 1790 (1971): 51.
231
232
dhruv raina
Notwithstanding the prejudices of the Europeans of the last century in favour of
their own abilities, some of the first members of the royal society were sufficiently
enlightened to consider the East Indies and China & c, as new worlds of science that
remained undiscovered . . . had they not too hastily concluded that to be lost, which
nothing but the prejudice of ignorance and obstinacy, had prevented being found,
we might at this time [be] in possession of the most finished productions of Asia
as well as Europe; the sciences might, in consequence, have been carried to a much
higher degree of perfection with us than they are at present; and the elegance and
superiority of the Asiatic models might have prevented the neglect and depravity
of geometry, and that inundation of Algebraic barbarism which has ever since the
time of Descartes, both vitiated taste, and overrun the publications, of most of the
philosophical societies in Europe.20
The encounter with other non-European scientific traditions was encouraged by the ideological impulse to advance the frontiers of knowledge.
In that sense Burrow’s philosophy of science resonated with that of the
Enlightenment thinkers. The most striking feature of the above passage is
that the Indian tradition for Burrow is still not characterized as algebraic
or geometric. In fact, at this point the characterization is the very reverse
of the late nineteenth century where Indian mathematics is constituted as
one that is algebraic in spirit at the expense of geometry. This nineteenthcentury portraiture of Indian mathematics depicted the traditions as algebraic or algorithmic, and as one where the geometric side of mathematics
was underdeveloped. Modern European mathematics since Descartes, in
Burrow’s words, had been overwhelmed by ‘algebraic barbarism’. An exposure to Asiatic models would then have prevented the neglect of geometry
that marked contemporary sciences. I do not know if one could interpose
the suggestion that there may have been some Anglo-French rivalry at
stake. But then that is not immediately germane to the construction. The
relevant concern here is that until the end of the eighteenth century some
British Indologists still entertained the hope that they would discover Indian
geometrical texts that would unveil to them the foundations of an Indian
geometrical tradition. Thus Playfair would in 1792 pose six questions to
the researchers of the Asiatic Society, the first of which was: ‘Are any books
to be found among the Hindus, which treat professedly of Geometry?’21
Playfair was thus asking if it were possible to identify elements of a corpus
of knowledge albeit in a different disguise that could be considered geometry in the sense in which it was conceived in Europe. For one it could be
20
21
Burrow 1783 (1971): 94–5.
Playfair 1792: 151.
Contextualizing Playfair and Colebrooke
said that the question that the geometry of the Hindus could have a different basis from the Greek ones is implied by the ‘professedly’ in the question.
That this is what Playfair meant might be inferred from his elaboration
upon the question he posed:
I am led to propose this question, by having observed, not only that the whole of the
Indian Astronomy is a system constructed with great geometrical skill, but that the
trigonometrical rules given in the translation from the Surya Siddhanta, with which
Mr. Davis22 has obliged the world, point out some very curious theorems, which
must have been known to the author of that ancient book.23
According to Playfair, as he engages with Davis’ translation of the Surya
Siddhanta the ‘trigonometrical canon’ of Indian astronomy is constructed
on the basis of a theorem. The theorem is stated as:
If there be three arches24 of a circle in arithmetical progression, the sum of the sines
of the two extremes arches is to twice the sine of the middle arch as the cosine of
common difference of the arches to the radius of the circle.25
Though the theorem was not known to Europe before Viete, Playfair
continues, the method was employed by the Indian astronomers for constructing trigonometrical tables, and was based on the simpler procedure
of calculating sines and arcs than through the use of methods that were
based on extracting square roots.26 The immediate task for Playfair appears
to have been to identify those mathematical works where the theorem on
which the trigonometrical rule employed in astronomy is first laid out.
This brings us back to Burrow’s concern with the origins of Indian mathematics.
Contrasting approaches: sifting the mathematical from the
astronomical rexts
In the late eighteenth century it would have been possible to differentiate between the efforts of the British Indologists and those of their
French counterparts studying Indian astronomy and mathematics on two
counts. Methodologically speaking, while the British Indologists were busy
22
23
24
25
26
Samuel Davis (1760–1819) was a judge in Bengal and produced one of the first translations of
the Surya Siddhanta.
Playfair 1792: 151.
An ‘arc of a circle’ is what is meant here. I have kept the original spelling.
Playfair 1792: 152.
Playfair 1792: 152.
233
234
dhruv raina
underlining the textual nature of their enterprise, the French astronomersavants relied a great deal on proto-ethnographic descriptions of the
mathematical and astronomical practices of India. Secondly, the histories
of Indian astronomy of Bailly and Le Gentil are preoccupied with the
astronomy of India and the origins of Indian astronomy.27 Even Montucla’s
history of mathematics relies extensively upon the proto-ethnographic
sources employed by Le Gentil and Bailly and draws inferences concerning
Indian mathematics from them.28 The British Indological tradition, on the
other hand, engaged with specific texts and from the astronomical rules
presented there made a claim that these rules must be based on a mathematical system, and proceeded to discover mathematical texts. Their focus
thus shifts from the origins of astronomy to the origins of Indian mathematics, in particular Indian algebra and arithmetic. What were the rules
encountered and what were the claims made? The shift was precipitated by
the desire to craft a history of mathematics independently of the history
of astronomy. As scholars approached the corpus of Indian astronomical
texts, they encountered a corpus of knowledge recognizable to them as
algebra and arithmetic. Consequently, John Playfair was later to insist upon
the need to search for a geometrical tradition.
Reuben Burrow was probably amongst the earliest of the British
Indologists to engage with the textual tradition of Indian mathematics,
although this search was prompted through his exposure to and study of
astronomy, including Indian astronomy. This does not mean that these
texts did not relate in any way to the histories of Le Gentil and Bailly.
Actually, the texts of the former provided an initial frame for approaching
the differences between the Indian and Modern traditions. For Burrow
the study of the procedures employed by Indian astronomers in calculating eclipses would advance the progress of modern astronomy as well:
‘and the more so as our methods of calculation are excessively tedious
and intricate’.29 The sentiment echoes that of Le Gentil and Bailly; and it
is certain that he was acquainted with the work of Le Gentil,30 though it
is not possible to say the same of Bailly’s Traité de l’astronomie indienne et
orientale. This fascination with the computational procedures employed
in astronomy led Burrow to infer in 1783 the existence of an advanced
algebraic tradition:
27
28
29
30
Bailly 1775; Le Gentil 1781.
Montucla 1799.
Burrow 1783 (1971): 101.
Burrow 1783 (1971): 116.
Contextualizing Playfair and Colebrooke
It is also generally reported that the Brahmins calculate their eclipses, not by astronomical tables as we do, but by rules . . . If they (the rules) be as exact as ours, . . . it
is a proof that they must have carried algebraic computation to a very extraordinary
pitch, and have well understood the doctrine of ‘continued fractions’, in order to
have found those periodical approximations . . .31
The rules for computing eclipses employed by the Brahmins were not only
different, but their complexity varied with the requisite degree of exactness:
. . . which entirely agrees with the approximation deduced from algebraic formulae
and implies an intimate acquaintance with the Newtonian doctrine of series . . . and
therefore it is not impossible for the Brahmins to have understood Algebra better
than we do.32
This was to become the central point from which in subsequent papers
Burrow would build his argument for the existence of an advanced algebra
among the Indians. The problem was taken up again by Colebrooke discussed below, and in a paper published slightly later by Edward Strachey,
‘On the early history of algebra’.33 The paper emphasized the originality
and importance of algebra among the Hindus and contained extracts that
were translated from the Bija-Ganita and Lilavati.34 These extracts were
translations into English from Persian translations of the original Sanskrit
texts.35 But Burrow admits that these extracts were translated in 1784, but
he deferred publishing them till a full text was obtained.36 But he prizes
the moment: ‘when no European but myself . . . even suspected that the
Hindoos had any algebra’.37 The rationale provided for the existence of
treatises on algebra in India in Burrow’s 1790 paper on the knowledge of
the binomial theorem among the Indians is the same as that suggested in
the earlier one (1783). Many of the approximations used in astronomy were
‘deduced from infinite series; or at least have the appearance of it’.38 These
included finding the sine from the arc and determining the angles of a
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
Burrow 1783 (1971): 101.
Burrow 1783 (1971): 101.
Strachey 1818.
These works were authored by the twelfth-century mathematician Bhaskara II, and while the
first of these deals with problems in algebra and the solution of equations, the latter focuses
more on arithmetic.
Strachey’s paper will not be discussed here, since the focus will be on the translation of versions
of Sanskrit texts into English and not the manner in which these Sanskrit texts were reported
in translations of Persian and Arab mathematical works.
Burrow 1790.
Burrow 1790: 115.
Ibid.
235
236
dhruv raina
right-angled triangle given the hypotenuse and sides without recourse to a
table of sines, etc.
The urgency of the moment was then to discover those texts before they
perished. Burrow thus emphasized the need for the collection of available
astronomical and mathematical texts that till then had not been the
focus of attention of the French Académiciens. The idea that the existing
tradition was probably algebraic was being insinuated: ‘That many of their
books are depraved and lost is evident, because there is now not a single
book of geometrical elements to be met and yet that they had elements not
long ago, and apparently more extensive than those of Euclid is obvious
from some of their works of no great antiquity.’39 At this liminal moment it
appears as if the issue whether the geometric tradition prevailed over the
algebraic or vice versa in India had not been settled. It cannot be decisively
be said that Burrow had a fixed view on the subject. But certainly the texts
he encountered were not of a ‘geometric’ nature. But the trigonometrical
calculations gave cause for belief that the semblance of such a system
was in existence. And while Burrow promised to publish translations
of Lilavati and the Bija-Ganita, the promise was not fulfilled during his
life. Inspired by Burrow‘s research, Colebrooke embarked on a study of
Sanskrit in order to probe some of the issues raised by Burrow more
deeply.
It was left to Samuel Davis to publish the first translation and analysis of
an Indian scientific work from the Sanskrit into a European language, this
being a translation of the Surya Siddhanta.40 This translation was based
on the reading of an original version of the text procured by Sir Robert
Chambers in 1788. Davis encountered a number of obscure technical
terms and had to rely upon a teeka or commentary procured by Jonathan
Duncan.41 In fact, if you examine the structure of Davis’ paper, it appears as
a teeka on the Surya Siddhanta, with passages translated from the text and
Davis’ explanation intercalated between the translated passages.
Davis begins by contesting the portrait of Indian astronomy and astronomers projected by Le Gentil and Bailly,42 without naming either of them.
39
40
41
42
Ibid.
Davis 1789.
Ibid.
More than Bailly and Le Gentil, Davis was refuting Sonnerat’s constructions of Indian
astronomy:
. . . my present intention, which is to give a general account only of the method by which
the Hindus compute eclipses, and thereby to show, that a late French author was too hasty
in asserting generally that they determine by set forms couched in enigmatical verses &c. So
far are they from deserving the reproach of ignorance, which Mons. Sonnerat has implied,
Contextualizing Playfair and Colebrooke
The first idea that he rejected was that this astronomical tradition was disfigured over the years by idolatry and that the gems of Indian astronomy
had been irretrievably lost over the centuries, in the absence of a textual
tradition. The second idea was that the Brahmins had shrouded their
astronomy in mystery such that it was impossible to arrive at a cogent
account of it. Further, they loathed sharing their ideas with others. Davis
set out to show that:
. . . numerous treatises in Sanskrit on astronomy are procurable, and that the
Brahmins are willing to explain them . . . I can farther venture to declare, from the
experience I have had, that Sanskrit books in this science are more easily translated
than almost any others, when once the technical terms are understood: the subject
of them admitting neither of metaphysical reasoning nor of metaphor, but being
delivered in plain terms and generally illustrated with examples in practice, . . .43
The British Indologists were departing from the reading of Académiciens
grounded in Jesuit proto-ethnography, by textually locating their work.
This textual grounding would revise the portrait of the French savants.
A hundred years later in a review of the history of the history of Indian
astronomy Burgess was to write: ‘Mr. Davis’ paper, however, was the first
analysis of an original Hindu astronomical treatise, and was a model of
what such an essay ought to be.’44 It appears then, as has been argued elsewhere, that the French savants in India were unable to establish trust with
their Indian interlocutors, in total contrast to the first generation of British
Indologists such as William Jones,45 and if one takes Davis’ account literally then Davis himself. Two papers of William Jones followed closely on
the heels of Davis’ papers and a cursory glance at them reveals that they
mutually respected and supported each other’s enterprise.46 And yet they
both were in agreement with Bailly’s thesis of the independent origins of the
Indian zodiac, differing very strongly with Montucla on this count:
that on inquiry, I believe the Hindu science of astronomy will be found as well known
now as it ever was among them, although perhaps, not so generally, by reason of the little
encouragement men of science at present meet with . . . (Davis 1789: 177).
43
44
45
46
Evidently, Sonnerat unlike Davis could not enter the world of the Hindu astronomers on
account of his inability to abandon a hermeneutic of suspicion. Pierre Sonnerat was a French
naval official who travelled to India towards the last decades of the eighteenth century and
published a book Voyages aux Indes Orientales et à la Chine in 1782 which discussed the
history, religion, languages, manners, arts and science of the regions he visited.
Davis 1790: 175 (emphasis added).
Burgess 1893: 730–1.
Raj 2001.
An eighteenth-century Indian scholar who worked closely both with Jones and along with his
associates with Colebrooke was Radhakanta Tarkavagisa (Rocher 1989).
237
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dhruv raina
I engage to support an opinion (which the learned and industrious M Montucla
seems to treat with extreme contempt) that the Indian division of the zodiac was
not borrowed from the Greeks or Arabs, but having been known in this country
from time immemorial and being the same in part with other nations of the old
Hindu race . . .47
But then they were also gradually transforming and refining the portrait
Bailly had left behind. Thus Jones recognized that in Davis’ translation
resided the hope that it would ‘convince M. Bailly that it is very possible for
an European to translate and explain the Surya Siddhanta.’48
Playfair’s programme and Colebrooke’s recovery
of Indian algebraic texts
In order to recapitulate a point made earlier, the French Jesuits of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were the inaugurators of a tradition, which
was to inspire the histories of Le Gentil and Jean-Sylvain Bailly.49 Bailly’s
history inspired the work of the British mathematician John Playfair and
provided a stimulus to subsequent generations of British Indologists writing
on Indian mathematics; though they were to disagree with the details of
Bailly’s Histoire, adding some nuance here and digressing from it in another
context.50 The antediluvian hypothesis proposed by Bailly was the source
of both fascination and controversy, and was the outcome of his attempt
to juxtapose observations of ancient Indian astronomy with astronomical theory of his day;51 from which he went on to draw the inference that
ancient Indian astronomy was the source of Greek astronomy.52 However,
this reading was located within Jesuit historiography which sought to
accommodate Indian history within the Christian conception of time.53
Bailly’s work was introduced to English-speaking readers through an
article authored by John Playfair entitled ‘Remarks on the Astronomy of the
Brahmins’ published in the Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh.54
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
Jones 1790a.
Jones 1790b.
Raina 1999.
Raina 2001a.
According to this hypothesis astronomy originated among the Indians, but the Indians in turn
had received it from an even more ancient people. The traces of this exchange had been lost in
antiquity.
Bailly 1775.
Raina 2003.
Playfair 1790.
Contextualizing Playfair and Colebrooke
The article draws extensively, need I say almost exclusively, upon the
Mémoirs of Le Gentil published by the Académie des Sciences, Paris and
Bailly’s Astronomie Indienne.55 This article of Playfair’s was of prime importance for Indologists working on the history of Indian astronomy for the
next four decades.
Playfair’s central contribution resided in re-appropriating Bailly’s Traité
in the light of the contributions of Davis and Burrow and proposing a
set of tasks that could well be considered a research programme for the
Asiatic Society. These included: (a) to search for and publish works on
Hindu geometry, (b) to procure any books on arithmetic and to ascertain
those arithmetical concerns whose trace is not to be found among the
Greeks, (c) to complete the translation of the Surya Siddhanta as initiated by Samuel Davis, (d) to compile a catalogue raisonné, with a scholarly
account of books on Indian astronomy, (e) to examine the heavens with
a Hindu astronomer in order to determine their stars and constellations,
(f) to obtain descriptions and drawings of astronomical buildings and
instruments found in India.56
If Bailly had stirred a hornet’s nest in his time by suggesting that the
origins of astronomy were in India, albeit that this astronomy was inherited by the Indians from an even more ancient people, Burrow’s paper did
the same with the origins of algebra. It is at this time difficult to separate
the discussion on the history of astronomy from the history of algebra;
for both the Académiciens and the Indologists often turn to the history of
astronomy to evoke computational procedures that were analysed mathematically. This programme of the recovery of the mathematical literature
from the astronomical literature was taken up by Colebrooke, who may be
seen as providing translations from the Sanskrit into English of the first
texts supposedly dedicated solely to algebra and arithmetic. I say supposedly because portions of some of the texts Colebrooke discovered for the
English-speaking world were essentially the mathematical sections of larger
astronomical canons of the Indian tradition.
We come now to Colebrooke’s translation practices. In order to describe
them we need to understand how Colebrooke identified an authenticated
version of the texts that he set out to translate. It needs to be pointed out
that at the very outset no final version of the three texts, from which only
portions were translated, was readily available to him. Consequently,
he worked with his Brahmin interlocutors and collected and collated
55
56
Le Gentil 1789; Bailly 1787.
Playfair 1792: 152–5.
239
240
dhruv raina
fragments of the works of Bhaskara and Brahmagupta before proceeding to
finalize versions of the three texts translated. But the enormous task was to
finalize and authenticate a version as the version of these texts. The central
question then was: how were the fragments of the texts to be ordered into
a sequence or other fragments spliced into appropriate sections of the
sequence of fragments in order to complete the collation of the text. His
native interlocutors were thus assigned the task of providing him with an
exhaustive commentary(ies) on these texts and most certainly worked with
him through the process of translation. The larger the set of commentaries
available on a given text, say the Lilavati, the greater the importance of the
text within the canon. The commentaries themselves served two exceedingly important functions. In the first instance the commentaries were
employed to identify the missing portions of the fragments available, and
to fix the sequence of chapters. In other words it is through the commentaries that the text was finalized. Second, the commentaries were employed
to illustrate and explain semantically and technically obscure portions and
procedures expounded in the main text.
A typical page of Colebrooke’s translation thus comprises an upper half
or two-thirds that are translations from the Sanskrit of finalized versions
of the texts of Bhaskara and Brahmagupta, while the lower half or third
comprises: (1) Colebrooke’s explication of the text when need be, with references to other texts, which is done with footnotes, (2) translations from
one or several commentaries that clarify the meaning of a term or terms
or procedures mentioned in the portion of the text on the upper portion
of the page, but at no point in Colebrooke’s text is the entire commentary
translated. In fact the text comprises translations from portions of several
commentaries, and it is Colebrooke who decided which part of one of
several commentaries or portions of several commentaries best elaborates
or clarifies a portion of the master text being translated. But the commentaries are internally paired off against each other in order to arrange
chronologically the commentaries and thus provide a diachronic relation
between them.
Colebrooke drew upon a rich commentarial tradition while working
on his translation of the Lilavati. The first of these was a commentary by
Gangādhara dated ad 1420. The commentary was limited to the Lilavati,
but as Colebrooke informs us, it authenticated an important chapter from
the Bija-Ganita.57 Further, Suryadasa’s Ganitámrita dated ad 1538 was
a commentary on the Lilavati and the Surya-pracāsa was a commentary
57
C1817: xxv.
Contextualizing Playfair and Colebrooke
on the Bija-Ganita that contained a clear interpretation of the text with a
concise explication of the arithmetical rules.58 The other important composition was Ganesa’s Buddhivilasini (c. ad 1545), comprising a copious
exposition of the text with demonstration of the rules. However, Ganesa
had not written a commentary on the Bija-Ganita and Colebrooke drew on
the work of Krishna which explained the rules with a number of demonstrations. In addition to which two other commentaries were used, namely
that of Ramakrishna Deva entitled Manoranjana, a text of uncertain date,
and finally the Ganitakaumud, which was known through the works of
Suryadasa and Ranganatha.59
A brief recapitulation is required before we proceed to the translations
of Colebrooke, for his work certainly marks a departure in the study of the
history of Indian mathematics. Two main historiographic currents in the
eighteenth century oriented the study of the history of the mathematics
and astronomy of India. The first approach was that pursued by the Jesuit
savants in India, who were observing the astronomical and computational
procedures circulating among Indian astronomers. Their audience did not
merely comprise the devout back in France, but the Académiciens and
astronomers, two of whom transcribed these proto-ethnographic accounts
into a history of Indian astronomy. Administrator–scholars, who studied
texts, collated fragments of texts and published translations with critical
editions and commentaries, while indebted to the first, pursued another
approach. In the late eighteenth century, Sanskrit commentaries and canonized astronomical or mathematical works were considered the key to
obscure technical terms and texts. What needs to be examined is whether
by the late nineteenth century commentaries shared the same destiny as
some of the Vedic texts. For it has been pointed out that by the second half
of the nineteenth century some Sanskritists belittled, marginalized and
removed ‘explicit references to the intermediary process of transmission
and exegesis of texts without which they would not have had access to
them’.60 The status of proofs in the Indian tradition is related to how these
commentaries on mathematical texts were read.
58
59
60
C1817: xxvi. The term explication involves two different tasks when applied to literary texts
and scientific texts. In the case of literary texts explication means to unfold; or to offer a
detailed explanation of a story. In the case of a scientific text or procedure, explication involves
the transformation of the explicandum by the explicatum. However, explication in Colebrooke
does not possibly conform to the notion that the explicandum is pre-scientific and inexact,
while the explicatum is exact. The explicandum and explicatum are related to each other in
their difference and not in a hierarchy of exact/inexact.
C1817: xxvii–xxviii.
Vidal 1997: 25.
241
242
dhruv raina
The point needs some reaffirmation since both Colebrooke and Davis,
who worked with commentaries of canonized astronomical and mathematical texts respectively, do mention the existence of demonstrations,
and rules in the texts they discuss. In Colebrooke’s introduction to his
Algebra with Arithmetic and Mensuration, from the Sanscrit of Brahmegupta
and Bhascara, there are four terms of concern to us here, namely demonstration, rule, proof and analysis, that come up often, but it is only the last
of these that Colebrooke clarifies. Further, as will be noticed in the next
section the terms demonstration and proof are used interchangeably by
Colebrooke. Noted by its absence in the title is the term ‘geometry’, as a
systematized science; on the contrary, the translation does allude to mensuration as discussed in the books he translates. The crucial problematic for
Colebrooke was, as with Burrow before him, to determine the origins of
Indian algebra. Inspired, as it were, by the textual exemplars of Davis and
Burrow, and guided by the research programme John Playfair had drawn
up for the researchers of the Asiatic Society, Colebrooke highlighted the
pathway to his own work:
In the history of mathematical science, it has long been a question to whom the
invention of algebraic analysis is due, among what people, in what region was
it devised, by whom was it cultivated and promoted, or by whose labours was it
reduced to form and system.61
The subsequent narrative focuses upon establishing that ‘the imperfect
algebra of the Greeks’, that had through the efforts of Diophantus advanced
no further than solving equations with one unknown, was transmitted
to India. The Indian algebraists, through their ingenuity, advanced this
‘slender idea’ to the state of a ‘well arranged science’.62 In his reading,
Colebrooke shares a fundamental historiographic principle, disputed by
current scholarship, with Burrow, one that enjoyed currency among historians of mathematics into the twentieth century. In this historiographic
frame: ‘. . . the Arabs themselves scarcely pretend to the discovery of
Algebra. They were not in general inventors but scholars, during the short
period of their successful culture of the sciences.’63
The science of ‘algebraic analysis’, a term Colebrooke would later
expand upon, existed in India before the Arabs transmitted it to modern
Europe.64 The evidence for these claims resided in the translations of
61
62
63
64
C1817: ii (emphasis added).
C1817: xxiv.
C1817: ii (emphasis added).
Ibid.
Contextualizing Playfair and Colebrooke
the Bija-Ganita and Lilavati of Bhaskara,65 as well as Brahmagupta’s
(Colebrooke: ‘Brahmegupta’) Ganitadhyaya and Kuttakadhyaya (the
chapter entitled ‘The pulveriser’) (Colebrooke: Cuttacadhyaya), the last two
as their name suggests being the mathematical sections of Brahmagupta’s
Brahmasphutasiddhanta. Without focusing too much on the antiquity of
these texts, Colebrooke saw his oeuvre as disclosing that the:
modes of analysis, and in particular, general methods for the solution of indeterminate problems both of the first and second degrees, are taught in the Vija-Ganita,
and those for the first degree repeated in the Lilavati, which were unknown to the
mathematicians of the west until invented anew in the last two centuries by algebraists of France and England.66
The terrain of historical studies on Indian mathematics was being transformed into a polemical one, with Colebrooke surreptitiously introducing
categories that the French Indologists had denied the Indian tradition:
typically for the first time he speaks of ‘modes of analysis’, or the ‘general
methods for the solution of indeterminate problems’. The historians of
astronomy had previously advanced the idea that the Indians had no idea
of the generalizability of the methods they employed. In the absence of
such generalizability, how could it have been possible to extend the idea
of generalized methods dedicated to solving classes of problems in order
to extract the different ‘modes of analysis’? The intention here is not to
paint Colebrooke’s construction as the diametrical opposite of that of the
French historians of science that provided a context to his effort. On the
contrary, Colebrooke’s project is naturally marked by a deep ambivalence.
The ambivalence arises from the fact that he attempted to draw the characterization of Indian mathematics away from the binary typologies of
the history of science that were already set in place. According to these
typologies Indian mathematics was characterized as algebraic and pragmatic while European mathematics was geometric and theoretical (deductive). Since the British Indologists were not mathematicians by profession
they lacked mathematical legitimacy amongst the network of historians
of mathematics and deterred his ability to create a new vocabulary. This
also explains why Playfair was so important to the Indological enterprise.
He was a mathematician of repute who endowed the Indological accounts
with authority.
65
66
I have given here the contemporary English spellings of the names of Sanskrit books and
scholars and removed the diacritics. Colebrooke himself spelled the Bija-Ganita as Vija-Ganita
and Bhaskaracharya as Bhascara Acharya.
C1817: iv (emphasis added).
243
244
dhruv raina
Colebrooke begins by pointing out that Aryabhata was the first of the
Indian authors known to have treated of algebra. As he was possibly a contemporary of Diophantus, the issue was important for drawing an arrow of
transmission from Alexandria to India or vice versa. Colebrooke leaves the
issue of the invention of algebra open by suggesting that it was Aryabhata
who developed it to the high level that it attained in India;67 this science he
called an ‘analysis’.68 It is here for the first time that a portion of the Indian
mathematical tradition is referred to as analysis, and it is important to get
to the sense in which he employs the term.
It is noticed that the use of a notation and algorithms is crucial to this
algebraic practice; which Colebrooke then proceeds to elaborate upon, subsequently stating the procedures not merely for denoting positive or negative
quantities, or the unknowns but of manipulating the symbols employed.69
An important feature of this algebra is that all the terms of an equation do
not have to be set up as positive quantities, there being no rule requiring that
all the negative quantities be restored to the positive state. The procedure
is to operate an equal subtraction (samasodhana) ‘for the difference of like
terms’. This operation is compared with the muqabalah employed by the
Arab algebraists.70 The presence of this ‘analytic art’ among the Indians was
apparent from the mathematical procedures evident in the variety of mathematical texts that were becoming available to the Indologists.
The analytic art comprised procedures that included, according to
Colebrooke, the arithmetic of surd roots, the cognizance that when a finite
quantity was divided by zero the quotient was infinite, an acquaintance
with the procedure for solving second degree equations and ‘touching
upon’ higher orders, solving some of these equations by reducing them
to the quadratic form, of possessing a general solution of indeterminate equations in the first degree. And finally, Colebrooke finds in the
Brahmasphutasiddhanta (§18:29–49) and Bija-Ganita (§75–99) a method
for obtaining a ‘multitude’ of integral solutions to indeterminate seconddegree equations starting from a single solution that is plugged in. It was
left to Lagrange to show that problems of this class would have solutions
that are whole numbers.71 The analytic art of the Indians or algebraic
67
68
69
70
71
The high level of attainment was ascribed to the ability of the Indian algebraists to solve
equations involving several unknowns; and of possessing a general method of solving
indeterminate equations of the first degree (C1817: x).
C1817: ix.
C1817: x–xi.
C1817: xiv.
C1817: xiv–xv.
Contextualizing Playfair and Colebrooke
analysis is then for Colebrooke: ‘calculation attended with the manifestation
of its principles’. This is manifest in the Indian mathematical texts being
discussed since they intimate to the reader a ‘method aided by devices,
among which symbols and literal signs are conspicuous’.72 In this sense
Indian algebra bears an affinity with D’Alembert’s conception of analysis
as the ‘method of resolving mathematical problems by reducing them to
equations’.73 Delambre and Biot would subject these views of Colebrooke
to trenchant criticism, but that is another subject.74 The issue at stake here
is that Colebrooke had insinuated the idea that Indian mathematics was
not lacking in methodological reflection or generality, a feature that had
hitherto been denied.
Did Colebrooke’s view of algebraic analysis provide for demonstrations or proofs of its rules or procedures? Citing specific sutras from the
Brahmasphutasiddhanta, the Bija-Ganita and the Lilavati, Colebrooke
moves to a characterization of Indian algebra, just as Diophantus is evoked
to characterize early Greek algebra. Thus, we are informed that these Indian
algebraists applied algebraic methods both in astronomy and geometry, and
in turn, geometric methods were applied to ‘the demonstration of algebraic
rules’. Obviously, Colebrooke was construing the visual demonstrative
procedures employed by Bhaskara to which we come as exemplifying geometrical demonstration. Further, he goes on to state that:
In short, they cultivated Algebra much more, and with greater success than geometry; as is evident in the comparatively low state of their knowledge in the one, and
the high pitch of their attainments in the other.75
This passage came to be quoted ever so often in subsequent histories of
science, and in the writings of mathematicians as evidence of the algebraic
nature of Indian mathematics.76 The power of its imagery resides in its
ability to draw the boundary between different civilizational styles of mathematics. In this contrast between Western and Indian mathematics it could
be suggested that Colebrooke’s qualification concerning the ‘comparatively
72
73
74
75
76
C1817: xix–xx.
Ibid.
Raina 1999.
C1817: xv.
The nineteenth-century British mathematician Augustus De Morgan, a self-proclaimed
aficionado of Indian mathematics, wrote a preface to the book of an Indian mathematician
punctuated with aperçus from Colebrooke’s introduction. The introduction in fact provides
him the ground to legitimate the work of the Indian mathematician for a British readership
(Raina and Habib 1990).
245
246
dhruv raina
low’ state of one and ‘high pitch’ of the other was lost sight of and the contrast between the two traditions came to be subsequently accentuated.
This leads me to conjecture that Colebrooke’s translation is a watershed
in the occidental understanding of the history of Indian mathematics on a
second count as well, this being that it inadvertently certified the boundary line drawn between Indian algebra and Greek geometry. This was not
Colebrooke’s intention at all, but a consequence of the comparative method
he had adopted. Colebrooke’s particular comparative method consisted in
displaying where India’s specific contributions to mathematics resided, and
he always contrasted these contributions with the Greek and Arab traditions of mathematics.77 This attempt to accentuate the contrast certainly
revealed the differences, but with the loss of the context of the contrast, it
was first transformed into a caricature and then stabilized as a characterization. The boundary lines had however been marked out before Colebrooke’s
time. This passage is crucial because it is followed by a discussion of some
procedures of demonstration in Indian algebra that I shall briefly lay out.
Thus the specific areas in which ‘Hindu Algebra appears particularly
distinguished from the Greek’ are four.78 Some of these have been mentioned above. The additional one that has not been mentioned concerns
the application of algebra to ‘astronomical investigation and geometrical
demonstration’, in other words algebra is applied to the resolution of geometrical questions. In the process the Indian algebraists, Colebrooke suggests, developed portions of mathematics that were reinvented recently.
This last statement of his prompted a very severe reaction. He then takes up
three instances, which he considers ‘anticipations of modern discoveries’
from the texts he discusses and lays out their procedures of demonstration.
There is nothing in the subsequent portion of the introduction to suggest
that he did not consider these as demonstrations.
Proofs and demonstrations in Colebrooke’s translations
of Indian algebraic work
Colebrooke’s Algebra with Arithmetic and Mensuration was completed
shortly after his departure from India for England in 1814. The volume
comprises the translation of four Sanskrit mathematical texts, namely
the Bija-Ganita and Lilavati of Bhaskara, and the Ganitadhyaya and
Kuttakadhyaya of Brahmagupta. These translations were undertaken during
77
78
Going by his text alone, he appears to have been totally oblivious of Chinese mathematics.
C1817: xvi.
Contextualizing Playfair and Colebrooke
his homeward voyage – we are informed of this through the biography of
Colebrooke written by his son.79 Further, Colebrooke’s interest, as pointed
out earlier, in the subject was aroused by Reuben Burrow’s paper that
appeared in the second volume of the Asiatic Researches. Colebrooke’s son,
Sir T. E. Colebrooke, writes:
It must be admitted that the utmost learning which may be employed on this
abstruse subject leaves the question open to some doubt, and resembles in this
respect, one of those indeterminate problems which admit a variety of solutions.
The treatises which have come down to us are variants of arithmetical and algebraical science, of whose antiquity few would venture to suggest a doubt. They exhibit
the science in a state of advance which European nations did not attain till a comparatively recent epoch. But they contain mere rules for practice, and not a work on
the path by which they are arrived at. There is nothing of the rigour . . .80
This biography of Colebrooke was published more than half a century after
Colebrooke’s work had appeared, by which time the standard representation
of Indian mathematics was more or less in place as evident from the emphasis in the quotation.81 However, as I shall argue below, this understanding
was quite at variance with the spirit and content of Colebrooke’s translation,
which, not without ambivalence, made a strong case for the idea of analysis
and demonstration in the Indian mathematical tradition. A point to be noted
here is that when Colebrooke the son comments on the Indian mathematical
tradition in the 1870s the historiographical context has totally changed and
he writes about Indian mathematics and the absence of proof in a spirit quite
at variance with his father who wrote in the early decades of the nineteenth
century. The change in the historiographical context is evident in Haran
Chandra Banerji’s publication of the first edition of Colebrooke’s translation
of the Lilavati in 1892 and in the second edition that appeared in 1927.82
79
80
81
82
Colebrooke, T. E. 1873: 303.
Colebrooke, T. E. 1873: 309.
Colebrooke’s son also raises the question of the reception of Colebrooke’s Algebra with
Arithmetic and Mensuration by Delambre. In his work on the history of astronomy of the
middle ages Delambre based his remarks on Colebrooke based on a review of the work by
Playfair (Colebrooke, T. E. 1873: 310). Delambre’s critique of Colebrooke’s work has been
discussed in Raina 2001b. Re J. S. Mill who wrote the manual of imperial history of India,
Colebrooke the son notes, ‘. . . in his laboured pleading against the claims of the Hindus to
be regarded as a civilized race, devotes some space to an examination of Mr. Colebrooke’s
work, and then does little more than repeat the doubts of Delambre whose criticisms on the
weakness of the external proof he repeats almost verbatim’ (Colebrooke, T. E. 1873: 311).
Evidently Colebrooke the son wishes to disabuse his readers of the prejudiced criticism of
Colebrooke the father’s work.
Banerji 1927.
247
248
dhruv raina
The really interesting feature is the convergence in the reading of
Colebrooke the son and Banerji concerning the mathematical style of
Bhaskara. In the introduction to this translation Banerji was to write about
Bhaskara: ‘The author does not state the reasons for the various rules given
by him. I have tried to supply the reasons as simply and shortly as they
occurred to me; but still some cases . . . and shorter demonstrations may
possibly be given.’83 Banerji proceeded to edit Colebrooke’s translation of
these mathematical works by keeping those demonstrations given chiefly
by Ganesa and Suryadasa ‘which are satisfactory and instructive’ and omitting those which ‘are obscure and unsatisfactory’.84 In other words Banerji
exercises his editorial prerogative and omits some proofs or demonstrations, insisting that the omitted geometrical proofs for these formulas were
given in Euclid ii.5 and 9. The reason he offers for omitting the ‘proofs’ of
Ganesa is because Banerji clarified that he had introduced these proofs to
facilitate calculations required in §134 of the Lilavati.85 Whatever may be
the reason, it is obvious that Banerji’s reading of these texts is located within
the ‘historiography of the absence of proof ’.86
Colebrooke’s magnum opus was published in 1817 and the introduction to the work is hereafter referred to as the ‘dissertation’, which is what
it is titled in any case. Very briefly, I shall just mention the chapterization
of this work. The first chapter consists of the definitions of technical terms.
Drawing upon these definitions the second chapter deals with numeration
and the eight operations of arithmetic, which included rules of addition and
subtraction, multiplication, division, obtaining the square of a quantity and
its square root, the cube and the cube root. The discussion up to Chapter 6
comprises the statement and exemplification of arithmetical rules for
manipulating integers, and fractions. The examples provided illustrate
the different operations. It is in Chapter 6 that we come to the plane
figures and it is here that §134 states the equivalent of the Pythagorean
Theorem.87
The discussion below will centre around rule §135 of the Lilavati in
Colebrooke’s translation, where Colebrooke suggests that Ganesa had
83
84
85
86
87
Banerji 1927: vi.
Banerji 1927: xv.
Banerji 1927: xvi.
An equally insightful exercise would be to see how and where Banerji’s text differs from
that of Colebrooke; on which portions of the text does Banerji find it necessary to comment
upon Colebrooke’s translation and interpretation; and at what points does he insert his own
commentary and replace that of Colebrooke. This would be a separate project, sufficient
though it be to point out that Banerji is more of a practising mathematician than Colebrooke.
C1817: 59.
Contextualizing Playfair and Colebrooke
offered both algebraic and geometrical proofs. In a contemporary idiom
these rules are stated as:
2ab + (a − b)2 = a2 + b2
(a + b) (a − b) = a2 − b2
i
ii
§134 of the Lilavati is translated from Sanskrit as:
The square root of the sum of the squares of those legs is the diagonal. The square
root, extracted from the difference of the squares of the diagonal and side is the
upright; and that extracted from the difference of the squares of the diagonal and
upright, is the side.88
§135 that follows is translated as:
Twice the product of two quantities, added to the square of their difference, will
be the sum of their squares. The product of their sum and difference will be the
difference of their squares: as must be everywhere understood by the intelligent
calculator.89
And this theorem came in for much discussion from the 1790s when
Playfair first wrote about it in his discussion of Davis’ translation of the
Surya-Siddhanta.
Now §135 is marked with two footnotes: the one indicates that §135 is a
stanza of six verses in the anustubh metre and the next importantly indicates that Ganesa the commentator on Bhaskara’s Lilavati provides both
an ‘algebraic and geometrical proof ’ of the latter rule, the one marked as ii
above (my labelling), and an algebraic demonstration of the first marked as
i above (my labelling). Colebrooke is not just translating from Bhaskara II’s
Lilavati: in the footnotes he intercalates a translation of Ganesa’s commentary. The latter demonstration is taken from the Bija-Ganita §148; and it is
in §147 that the first of the rules is given and demonstrated.90 Colebrooke
renders the term Cshetragatopapatti as geometrical demonstration and
Upapatti avyucta-criyaya as proof by algebra.91 We come to one of the geometrical demonstrations of rule labelled ii as given in the Bija-Ganita §148
and §149 of Bhaskara to which Colebrooke refers as such.
§148: Example: Tell me friend, the side, upright and hypotenuse in a [triangular]
plane figure, in which the square-root of three less than the side, being lessened by
one, is the difference between the upright and the hypotenuse.92
88
89
90
91
92
Ibid.
Ibid.
C1817: 222–3.
C1817: 59.
C1817: 223.
249
250
dhruv raina
In modern language this could be translated as a - 3 − 1 = c − b, where
Bhaskara immediately suggests taking c − b as 2. In this demonstration
the difference between one of the sides (upright) and the hypotenuse is
assumed as 2.
(a) The square of that added to one to which 3 is added: (2 + 1)2 + 3 = 12 – this is the
side.
(b) 122 = 144 – this is the difference between the squares of the hypotenuse and side
(upright).
By the rule the difference of the squares is equal to the product of the sum and
difference
Which means a2 − b2 = (a + b)(a − b).
It is in this context that here Bhaskara includes a proof of the rule, to
which Colebrooke refers. This proof as is evident is based on a form of reasoning that draws upon figures with particular dimensions. The text then
gives the square of 7 as 49 represented as below (Figure 5.1):
Figure 5.1
The square a2.
From this square of 7 × 7 subtract a square of 5, which is 25.
This gives the following (Figure 5.2).
We are left with a remainder of 24.
a − b = 2 and a + b =12 and the product consists of 24 equal cells
(Figure 5.3).
Contextualizing Playfair and Colebrooke
5× 5
Figure 5.2 The square a2 minus the square b2.
Figure 5.3 The rectangle of sides a + b and b − a.
The text reads: ‘thus it is demonstrated that the difference of the squares
is equal to the product of the sum and the difference’.93 The text then proceeds on the basis of this example to construct other Pythagorean triples.
Similarly, another visual demonstration follows for §149.
§149 Rule: The difference between the sum of the squares of two quantities whatsoever, and the square of their sum, is equal to twice their product; as in the case of
two unknown quantities.94
The demonstration is worked out on the basis of a particular case, and provides a procedure thus for any two sets of numbers. Colebrooke’s translation of Bhaskara’s demonstration reads: ‘For instance, let the quantities be
3 and 5. Their squares are 9 and 25. The square of their sum is 64. From this
taking away the sum of the squares the remainder is 30.’95 And then in the
93
94
95
C1817: 223.
C1817: 224.
C1817: 30.
251
252
dhruv raina
3×3
Figure 5.4
The square a2.
5×5
Figure 5.5
The square b2.
translation Bhaskara exhorts his reader to ‘See’ the illustration that follows
(see Figures 5.4–5.6). Thus (3 + 5)2 = 64 . . ., (a + b)2
From this subtract 32 + 52 . . . a2 + b2
Which makes 64 – 34 = 30 . . . (a + b)2 – (a2 + b2)
The left-over square cells are seen to be equal to twice the product
(Figure 5.7). After which Bhaskara concludes: ‘Here square compartments,
equal to twice the product are apparent, and (the proposition) is proved.’96
We have here two cases of visual demonstration (Colebrooke calls
them geometrical demonstrations) though in his translations he vacillates between the terms proofs and demonstrations. But clearly both are
demonstrations from particular cases formulated within the framework of
particular cases treated in a general way.
Furthermore, Colebrooke briefly discusses two different demonstrations
of the Pythagorean theorem in Bhaskara’s Bija-Ganita (§146). The first of
96
C1817: 224.
Contextualizing Playfair and Colebrooke
8×8
Figure 5.6 The square (a + b)2.
In other words, from Figure 5.6, delete the sum of the squares: which is
3 × 3 and 5 × 5.
3
5×3
3×5
5
Figure 5.7 The area (a + b)2 minus the squares a2 and b2 equals twice the product ab.
253
254
dhruv raina
B
20
15
C
A
D
Figure 5.8
A right-angled triangle ABC and its height BD.
these demonstrations, we are reminded, is similar to Wallis’ demonstration
that appeared in the treatise on angular sections. Colebrooke sets Wallis’
and Bhaskara’s demonstrations side by side, such that Bhaskara’s method is
apprehended in Wallis’ idiom (Figure 5.8).97
Wallis
In a rectangular triangle, C and D
designate the sides and B the hypotenuse.
The segments are χ and δ.
B : C :: C : χ
B:D:D:δ
Therefore
C2 = Bχ
D2 = Bδ
Therefore
C2 + D2=(Bχ + Bδ) = B(χ + δ) = B2
Bhaskara
Using the same symbols for the sides and
segments, Bhaskara’s demonstration
B : C :: C : χ
B:D:D:δ
Therefore
χ = C2/B
δ = D2/B
Therefore
B = χ + δ = C2/B + D2/B
B2 = C2 + D2
We shall now try to illustrate Bhaskara’s procedure above as it appears
in Colebrooke’s translation, but I shall adopt a contemporary form of the
argument. The problem that Bhaskara poses in §146 of the Bija-Ganita is:
‘Say what is the hypotenuse in a plane figure, in which the side and upright
are equal to 15 and 20? And show the demonstration of the received mode
of composition’.98 So consider a right-angled triangle ABC whose sides are
15 and 20 and rotate the figure as above. Drop a perpendicular to the side
AC and let AD = χ and DA = δ. Now AC is the hypotenuse of the triangle
ABC and BC and AD of triangles BCD and DBA respectively.
97
98
C1817: xvi–xvii.
C1817: 220.
Contextualizing Playfair and Colebrooke
Bhaskara then posits the ratios:
AC BC and AC AB
=
=
BC CD
AB AD
(BC)2
(AB)2
and δ =
AC
AC
2
(BC) (AB)2
+
Now (χ + δ) =
AC
AC
Or (AC)2 = (BC)2 + (AB)2
χ=
And thus the value of AC is computed, and from this the value of BD.99
Thus the procedure is reasoned again for a particular case with the sides
of 15 and 20, but clearly the procedure is applicable for any set of numbers
that constitute the sides of a right-angled triangle. It needs to be pointed out
here that Colebrooke highlights the fact that Bhaskara ‘gives both modes of
proof ’ when discussing the solution of indeterminate problems involving
two unknown quantities.
The instances Colebrooke has selected in his dissertation are ‘conspicuous’ as he says, for as pointed out earlier his method is to accentuate the
contrast to destabilize as it were the then received picture within the binary
typologies of the history of mathematics mentioned earlier.100 But the
task is undertaken with a great deal of caution. The next example chosen
is that of indeterminate equations of the second degree, wherein, according to Colebrooke, Brahmagupta provided a general method, in addition
to which he proposes rules to resolve special cases. It is well known that
Bhaskara solved the equation ax2 + 1 = y2 for specific values of the variable a.
But Colebrooke went on to suggest that Bhaskara proposed a method to
solve all indeterminate equations of the second degree that were ‘exactly
the same’ as the method developed by Brouncker. In effect, Colebrooke
appeared to be suggesting that Bhaskara’s method was generalizable, that he
was aware of the problem and its ‘general use’, a feature for whose discovery
modern Europe had to await the arrival of Euler on the stage of European
mathematics.101
99
100
101
C1817: 220–1.
C1817: xviii.
A contemporary mathematical review of the solution of Pell’s equation indicates that the
‘Indian or English method of solving the Pell equation is found in Euler’s Algebra’. However,
it is subsequently clarified that Euler, and his Indian or English predecessors, assumed that
the method always produced a solution, whereas the contemporary understanding is that if a
solution existed the method would find one. Further, Fermat had probably proved that there
was a solution for each value of a, and the first published proof was that of Lagrange (Lenstra
2002: 182).
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dhruv raina
On reading of the early responses from a French savant to the work of
Colebrooke, it is possible to discern that Delambre for one uses a very fine
comb in rebutting several of the points taken up by Colebrooke. While
Colebrooke himself does not draw a very fine distinction between the use
of the terms ‘proof ’ and ‘demonstration’ in his reading, he does distinguish
between algebra and analysis; and as mentioned earlier he specifies wherein
the Indian tradition could be characterized as an algebraic analysis. A study
of the reception of Colebrooke’s translations of the works on Indian arithmetic and algebra is a matter for a separate study. The curious question to
be examined by such a study is that despite its canonical status in Western
scholarship on the history of Indian mathematics and algebra, neither
Colebrooke nor Davis ever insinuated that it was a tradition devoid of
proof or demonstration. And yet, as the nineteenth-century historiography
of Oriental mathematics evolved, a theory of the absence of proof would
become one of its salient elements. The strong criticism of Colebrooke’s
work at the time was possibly provoked by Colebrooke’s method of taking
up those demonstrations from Indian mathematics for which equivalents
existed in eighteenth-century European mathematics. This would have vitiated both the claims of novelty and originality, both very important features
of the new sciences. Second, up to the end of the eighteenth century British
Indologists still believed that they could discover the origins of an Indian
geometry and the later work of the Indologist G. Thibaut may be seen to be
in continuity with that tradition. But by the end of the nineteenth century
the binary typologies of the history of mathematics, that portrayed the West
as geometric and the East as algebraic, were well in place in the standard
picture.
Acknowledgements
I thank the participants at the Workshop on the History and Historiography
of Proofs in Ancient Traditions, Paris, for their questions, comments and
suggestions, and more recently Karine Chemla for a very close reading of
the text. The usual disclaimer applies.
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